批判视角下黄岩岛地名演变与权力关系分析

doi:10.13959/j.issn.1003-2398.2017.04.016

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Abstract The study of place naming, or toponymy, has recently undergone a critical reformulation as scholars have moved beyond the traditional focus on etymology and taxonomy by examining the politics of placenaming practices. This so-called ‘critical turn’ in toponymic scholarship has produced an exciting new body of research, which situates the study of toponymy within the context of broader debates in critical human geography. Under the background above, This paper summarized the achievements and the deficiencies of Western and Chinese geographers in the fields of toponymy in the past few decades, and focused on the political gaming under the toponym evolution by taking the toponym evolution of the Huangyan Island as an example. This research finds out that:1) the toponym evolution of the Huangyan Island reflects the process of international actors' political wrangling under China and the West's discourse system. 2) Huangyan Island's toponym evolution of China shows that, China has an indisputable sovereignty over Huangyan Island, numerous documents on the Chinese history have put down definitely in writing that the Huangyan Island belongs to China's territory. And the toponym evolution of current Philippines' government shows its aim of enhancing national identity and occupying more resources of ocean, island, and reefs. So sovereignty claims over Huangyan Island and Nansha Islands by any other country are illegal and invalid. 3) The toponym is not only the linkage between deconstruction and reconstruction of collective memory but also the indicator of gaming among different countries. So it pointed out that the adoption of the place names of the South China Sea Islands habitually used by local fishermen is of significance to toponymy and defending state sovereignty.

Key words： Huangyan Island critical toponymy power relations

Received: 28 June 2016

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http://rwdl.xisu.edu.cn/EN/10.13959/j.issn.1003-2398.2017.04.016 OR http://rwdl.xisu.edu.cn/EN/Y2017/V32/I4/115

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[18]	刘博,朱竑.批判视角下广州地铁站命名与更名研究[J]. 地理科学, 2014,34(9):1139-1144.[Liu Bo, Zhu Hong. Naming and renaming:a critical study on Guangzhou metro stations[J]. Scientia Geographica Sinica, 2014,34(9):1139-1144.]
[19]	张超亚,张小林,李红波.城市演进视角下的城市道路地名演变研究——以南京市为例[J].地理与地理信息科学,2015,31(4):83-88.[Zhang Chaoya, Zhang Xiaolin. Study on urban road name evolvement based on the city evolvement:A case study of Nanjing[J]. Geography and Geo-Information Science, 2015,31(4):83-88.]
[20]	朱竑,周军,王彬.城市演进视角下的地名文化景观[J].地理研究, 2009,28(3):829-837.[Zhu Hong, Zhou Jun, Wang Bin, et al. Analyzing the decline and renewal of old town of Liwan, Guangzhou from the evolvement of toponym[J]. Geographical Research, 2009, 28(3):829-837.]
[21]	李鹏,封丹.地名变迁中的文化政治阐释——以从化温泉为例[J]. 人文地理,2015,30(2):58-64.[Li Peng, Feng Dan. The politics of place naming:Changing place name and reproduction of meaning for Conghua hostspring[J]. Human Geography, 2015,30(2):58-64.]
[22]	张向荣.从菲律宾的对外政策看"中间地带"国家的战略选择[J].东南亚南亚研究,2014(4):37-43.[Zhang Xiangrong. Strategic choice of the "Intermediate Zone" countries from Philippines's foreign policy[J]. Southeast Asia and South Asian Studies, 2014(4):37-43.]
[23]	李金明.近年来菲律宾在黄岩岛的活动评析[J].南洋问题研究, 2003(3):40-47.[Li Jinming. Comment on the Philippines' activities in Scarborough Reef in recent years[J]. Southeast Asian Affairs, 2003(3):40-47.]
[24]	贾宇.南海问题的国际法理[J].中国法学,2013(6):26-35.[Jia Yu. The international law of South China Sea issue[J]. China Legal Science, 2013(6):26-35.]
[35]	Lawrence D B, Jani V. Critical Toponymies:The Contested Politics of Place Naming[M]. London:Ashgate Publishing, Ltd, 2009:101-107.
[36]	叶韵翠.批判地名学——国家与地方,族群的对话[J].地理学报(台北), 2013(68):69-87.[Ye Yuncui. The critical toponymy:A dialogue of nation, place and ethnic group[J]. Journal of Geographical Science, 2013(68):69-87.]
[25]	韩振华.元代《四海测验》中中国疆宇的南海[J].南洋问题,1979(6):1-28.[Han Zhenhua. The South China Sea in ‘All Test’ of Yuan Dynasty[J]. Southeast Asian Affairs, 1979(6):1-28.]
[37]	查雯.菲律宾南海政策转变背后的国内政治因素[J].当代亚太, 2014(5):120-139.[Zha Wen. Domestic politics and change in the Philippine's policy towards the South China Sea[J]. Journal of Contemporary Asia-Pacific Studies, 2014(5):120-139.]
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