Assessment of geo-setting is an important field in political geographical studies and is critical for identifying geopolitical risks and making geopolitical strategies. However, few studies have examined the scale problem in assessing geo-setting. Based on previous geographical research on the concept of scale and the theoretical perspective of scalar traps proposed by Fenglong Wang, this paper summarizes 4 types of scalar traps in research on assessment of geo-setting. First, since the selection of geographical scopes and level of resolution is mutually dependent with the results of assessing geo-setting, there is a scalar trap of selecting the optimal scale for assessing geo-setting. Second, since we should consider components of geo-setting at different scales yet the indicators at different scales may be incomparable, assessment of geo-setting need to deal with the trap of multiple-scale coupling. Third, because assessment of geo-setting should incorporate different elements of different scalar forms, e.g. some indicators are calculated based on areal region yet some others are calculated based on network, it is difficult to integrate these indicators into a unified framework. Forth, to balance the demands of evaluating comprehensive indicators and proposing priorities for making geopolitical strategies in assessing geo-setting, it is necessary to overcome the scalar trap of trade-off between extensiveness and conciseness.

With the global energy competition becoming increasingly intense, countries are paying more and more attention to the energy interests of the Arctic which is no ownership area. Based on the complex network perspective, drawing on the concept of the Pan Arctic State and using Pajek, Ucinet and ArcGIS, this paper makes an in-depth study on the evolution process and its multi-dimension proximity. The main conclusions are as follows. Firstly, the networks tend to be dense. The center of supply network is shifting westward, while the center of consumer network is expanding eastwards. Energy trade presents a spatial pattern of high separation between production and marketing. Secondly, the network is characterized by the "coreperipheral" structure. Energy trade has formed a "three poles" pattern dominated by the United State, Canada and Russia. Thirdly, the dominant flow shows three subgroups and the energy grouping is becoming patently obvious. Eastern European countries gradually become the "structural hole" of network. Fourthly, the evolution of networks is driven by multi-dimension proximity. Economic differences are endogenous. Geographical proximity is the key spatial foundation. Organizational proximity is the main driver.

The governance of international river is an important geopolitical issue due to its economic, social and ecological attributes. Most existing research approaches this subject from the perspectives of realism and institutionalism, which mainly focus on water-related conflicts and cooperation among different sovereign nations. Hegemonic stability and hydro-hegemony are salient theoretical examples that were conceived and developed under realistic and institutional thinking. Based on the dialectical and relational thinking of political geography, this article reviews the theoretical discussions and controversies of international river governance. It introduces the conceptual framework of"hydrosocial territories"and its application in the geopolitical analysis of international rivers. This framework investigates the spatial deployment of power and explores the natural-society relationship from four previously underexamined analytical dimensions. First, power exercises apply at multiple scales and involve interconnections and interdependence across scales. Second, the deployment of power exists in physical, institutional, and representational spaces that jointly shape rules, narratives, and meanings of water. Third, the essence of water governance is defined by relationship networks that include and exclude different actors. Last, hydrosocial territories are fluid, constructed, and contested, encapsulating diverse forms of power exercises.

As the social sciences represented by human geography have been gradually focusing on emotions, the geo-environmental disciplines have also begun to explore how emotions affect human being's cognition of the geo-environment. The emotion of "people" is a factor that can't be ignored in the geographical pattern. Geo-emotion is a cognitive attitude among different regions, which forms an overall emotional attitude under the influence of civilization, politics, religion, economic and other factors. In the process of transnational mobility, individuals interact with different countries. This interaction may occur at the micro level, such as the interaction between migrants and communities or cities. However, for migrants, communities or cities can be regarded as the epitome of the country, an integral part of the country, including the characteristics of the country. At this time, the sense of place will rise to the sense of state. This paper starts with the emotional elements of the geo-environment and borrows theories and methods of environmental psychology to explore the influencing factors of the sense of state in the context of transnational mobility. The study was carried out by a mixed research method of qualitative and quantitative. The qualitative research adopts the methods of literature survey and in-depth interview. The main conclusions of this study are as follows:1) Transnational immigrants' sense of state is deeply influenced by various individual and social factors, among which age, education, citizenship, length of time abroad, GDP per capita in migrating countries and cultural identity; 2) Transnational leads to the interaction of traditional cultural elements between the two types of subjects. 3) The geo-environment has reshaped the sense of state of transnational migrants from multiple scales and aspects.

Following the launch of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), China has multiplied its international contacts and seen the necessity of people-to-people exchanges. Inspecting the BRI through a geosocial lens is thus crucial. Although Cambodia is regarded as a model for BRI international cooperation, China's infrastructure projects here have encountered many difficulties with geosocial factors playing key roles. Among the factors, Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) are crucial links connecting various geosocial actors and elements. Against the backdrop, this paper utilizes fieldwork interviews and observations and secondhand materials to investigate the roles of NGOs in Cambodia in the suspension of Chay Areng hydropower dam project. We first depict the basic characteristics of the NGOs in Cambodia. Then we examine how they generally operate and influence China's projects in Cambodia. Last but not least, we reveal the factors determining the formation of these influences.

Central Asia is located in the center of the Eurasian continent and is an important area for the construction of the "Belt and Road". Based on the GDELT news media database, this article constructs the indexes of impact of events and the degree of bilateral relations, and quantitatively analyzes the evolution of cooperation and conflict between China and Central Asian countries. Moreover, using emerging hot spot analysis, this article identified China's cooperation and conflict hot spot models at the urban scale in Central Asia. The result shows:1) The cooperative relationship between China and Central Asian countries is getting closer. After the "Belt and Road" initiative was put forward, the cooperative trend between China and Central Asian countries has increased significantly, and the China-Kazakhstan cooperation relationship is the closest. 2) China's cooperation areas in Central Asia are concentrated in the capitals, strategic positions, and important energy bases of Central Asian countries. Concentrated and contiguous cooperation areas have been formed in the Andijan region of Uzbekistan and the Khatlon region of Tajikistan. 3) China's influence in Central Asian cities is dominated by cooperative relations. 4) On the time scale, the cooperative hot spots between China and Central Asia are mainly continuous, and the conflict hot spots are mainly oscillating.